It seems hard to find African sources on this, but I found a paper from Nigerian scholars on the topic(If someone has more on hand, please share it). I thought it adresses some of your legitimate concerns, it is still long, but I tried to cut it down to the relevant parts:

First of all, one needs to recognize that the Chinese government imposes no political conditions on African governments before signing contracts either for exploration or other economic activities.34 Secondly, Chinese firms are willing to invest where western companies are unwilling. Western investors and aid agencies are unwilling to invest in areas such as: physical infrastructure, industry and agriculture.These are areas that are crucial to Africa development. It is well known that Africa desperately needs infrastructure of all type. Finding about $20 billion per annum35 required in infrastructure investment is laborious. China investment is a welcome development for Africa. p. 9

Since the late 1970s, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has not funded heavy infrastructure projectsin Africa. The World Bank and USAID in the 1990s reduced support for agriculture as high as 90 percent36.

Many of the deals closed by Chinese firms in Africa are ones that western companies would not stake their investment. For example, in 2005 China and Nigeria signed a $800 million crude oil sale agreement. This in turn would lead to China’s buying of 30,000 barrels a day for five years. It also won a license to operate four oil blocks and take-over of the Nigerian refinery. These are risky and money losing ventures that no western oil company would ever think of staking its investment38 because these investments are located in a politically volatile and hot spotszones. In addition, Chinese investment provides additional source of investment capital at a time when aid alone is unable to address unemployment, poverty alleviation and generate a significant multiplier effect through the local economy by the way of sourcing and provision of local management expertise and technology transfer. To make this happens, China has taken up some measures. Cheap consumer goods still account for high proportion of Chinese export to Africa. It has indicated its readiness to support Africa’s product value chain. Also, to be more relevant in the 21st Century, Africa must develop its human capital and have access to new technology. China has provided both. It has offered training to many African professionals under its commitment to train Africa’s emergent workforce. Machinery, electronic equipment and high tech products have been exported to Africa. Above all, China has built more factories to process African raw materials in Africa rather than just extracting low value-added African commodities for processing in China.39 For example, a Chinese baggage manufacturing company commenced trading with Africa in 2000. In 2003, it established a factory in Nigeria which serves the domestic market in Nigeria, brings revenue to the government and serves other countries such as Ghana.40 With respect to skill transfer and human capital development, between 2000 and 2006, China has trained 16,000 African professionals. Another 20,000 was scheduled to be trained between 2010 and 2012. Last year, the former Chinese president Hu Jintao announced an expansive aid programme that wouldoffer 18,000 government scholarships and train 30,000 Africans in various sectors by 2015.

Conclusion:
It is indisputable that Africa has benefited from China’s re-emergence. The entire argument of many critics of China in-road into Africa has been centred on the trade imbalances between China and many African countries. In fact, it is argued that the main goal of China in Africa is to exploit its resources to develop its growing industry and foreign aid to Africa is a bribe to the leaders to make them acquiesce to this nature of relationship. . As already shown, China’s aid and investment in Africa has helped to build a super-structure upon which African countries’ economic growth can be built, even in areas where western countries and agencies are not willing to invest. Again the argument that China is interested natural resources such as crude oil and minerals does not hold water in the face of available data. The impacts of Chinese re-emergence in Africa are more visible in infrastructure development, investment, trade and human capital development. It has also led to African commodity producers to command higher prices considering China’s massive importation. Again it has also imposes a considerable challenges on African countries that havenot diversified their economies. Loans from China haveprovided African countries with an alternative source for capital, which weakened the position of the World Bank inproject financing in Africa. China’s Overseas Development Assistance has extricated African nations from being glued to conditions such as tight fiscal control, transparency and commitment to the rule of law and democracy which attached to aid from western countries. If managed effectively, Chinese ODA and investment can help in really addressing deficient infrastructureand spur growth. However, Africa must strive more to leverage Chinese engagement for maximum benefit. The stream of aid and investment gives African countries a unique opportunity to translate these external supports into overall gains. To take fulladvantage of this relationship, African government must play their political cardswell, not only as leaders of individual countries but also through the collective mechanism of the African Union. African governments including the African Union (AU)and civil society must work together to establish a constructive policy framework that will ensure that the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) helps to make a positive net contribution to their economies and societies. If this engagement is managed poorly, Africa risks Chinese exploitation and ultimately misses a unique opportunity to advance its political, economic and social development.